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dans l’Article II, provenant du crû de l’lle Bourbon et exportées pour Maurice et Dépendances, seront de 8 pour cent, ad valorem, en sus de ceux qu'auront à supporter les mêmes denrées exportées pour la France par Bâtimens Nationaux. Il sera accordé, pour l'acquittement de ces droits, un délai de 3 mois de la date de l'importation ou de l'exportation desdites marchandises et denrées Coloniales, moyennant qu'il soit fourni bonne et valable caution. Aucun droit de sortie ou d'entrée ne sera perçu sur les blés, maïs, riz, et farines, exportés pour Maurice et Dépendances, ou qui en seront importés.

Toutefois, la sortie de ces denrées pourra être limitée ou défendue lorsque les circonstances impérieuses l'exigeront.

V. Les droits d'entrepôt sur les marchandises venant de l'Ile Maurice et Dépendances, seront de l { pour cent, ad valorem ; aucune marchandise ne pourra être admise à l'entrepôt, si la valeur, d'après facture, ne s'élève à 12,000 francs.

La durée de l'entrepôt ne pourra excéder 1 année.

Il sera accordé, pour le paiement du droit d'entrepôt, les mêmes délais que pour ceux de Douane, saus la même garantie.

VI. L'importation des rums et arracks venant de Maurice et Dépendances est prohibée. Dans le cas où l'introduction en serait permise momentanément, le droit d'entrée sur ces liqueurs sera de 3 francs par velte.

VU. Les marchandises chargées à Maurice et Dépendances, pour Bourbon, n'y seront admises qu'autant qu'elles seront accompagnées d'un Manifeste de Chargement, délivré par le principal Officier de la Douane du Lieu de l'embarquement, et visé à Maurice par le Gouverneur.

VIII. Les Bâtimens Anglais, venant de Maurice et Dépendances, seront traités à Bourbon, quant aux droits de quai et à ceux de pilotage, d'ancrage, et tous autres relatifs aux Navires, de la même manière que les Bâtiinens Français, et ils y seront reçus avec la même faveur.

IX. A l'égard des Bâtimens Anglais venant de tous autres Lieux que de Maurice et Dépendances, et qui toucheraient à Bourbon, il leur sera fourni tous les secours dont ils pourront avoir besoin.

X. Les Bâtimens venant de Maurice et Dépendances, ou y allant, ne seront admis à effectuer leur chargement ou déchargement à Bourbon, qu'à Saint-Denis et à Saint-Paul.

XI. Les Sujets de Sa Majesté Britannique, que leurs affaires conduiraient à Bourbon, y seront adinis librement, en se conformant toutefois aux réglemens de Police en vigueur. Donné à Saint-Denis, lle Bourbon, le 10 Juillet, 1818.

LAFITTE DU COURTEIL, PHILIPPE PANON, BARON DESBASSYNS. If the first permission granted for importing Negroes into America, soon aster the Conquest, had been indefinite as to time and place, if it had continued without any interruption, and if the question of prohibiting the traffic were at present agitated for the first time, then in truth, it might very properly be termed sudden, a denomination which always implies somewhat of violence. But the prohibi. tion now under review does not deserve to be qualified as such, and cannot be so denominated. There have been many prohibitions of this Trade; as many, indeed, as have been the permissions granted since the Conquest, for as they were solely for a limited period, it is obvious that, after the expiration of each term, the prohibition obtained its force from the moment of the suspension. That which has been always practised and expected beforehand, cannot, therefore, be considered as unforeseen, nor ought it to be represented as an act of violence.

The influence of the Abolition of this Trade in America is not likely to become immediately perceptible or irremediable. The labours of agriculture and in the mines are already, to a considerable degree, performed by Creoles, the Descendants of the Negroes originally and successively imported. Where proper care has been taken to import Blacks, of both sexes, as has sometimes been ordered in earlier times, the Planters cannot have suffered by the long intervening periods during which no importations of Slaves took place, although they may not have realized such large gains as they would have done, if they had had a constant supply of Slaves; so that, considering the ques. tion in a legal point of view, so far as regards the Land owners, they appear to be not so anxious to avoid losses, as to obtain advantages, an object undoubtedly much less defensible than the former. Nor will it be difficult to comprehend the truth of this reasoning, when it is considered, that the number of Creoles, of both sexes, is already very large, that they all work at their respective occupations, and that their number is proportionably augmented by their Children.

If the importation of Negroes were to depend upon the necessity which the Landholders are represented to have of Slaves, for the cultivation of their grounds, the Abolition of the Slave-trade must be greatly prolonged beyond 5 years. The extent of Land capable of cultivation in America, and its prodigious fertility, are well known; at what period, then, might the landed Proprietors be expected to have it in their power to declare that their Estates are sufficiently stocked with hands, so as to leave nothing to desire for keeping them in the most perfect state of cultivation ? The Dissentients also assert, and assume as gravted, that the Slaves who die, and those that are set free, must of necessity be replaced by others. Now such a necessity will continue for ever: but if this reasoning is to be admitted as valid for requiring Blacks, then let us instantly suspend all discussion respecting the Abolition of the Traffic; for, unquestionably, no one can pretend to determine how many Cen


turies it will take to put all the lands in America under tillage, even though the importation of Slaves should be left perfectly uvrestrained.

The question, which we have now to discuss, is, not that of injur. ing Brutes, in order to benefit Men, but of favouring the latter, to the signal and certain detriment of their Fellow-creatures; and it is obviously an unbecoming exaggeration to assert, that, by the prohibition of the traffic, thousands of landed Proprietors would be doomed to lose a considerable portion of their incomes, and, what is a greater grievance, to suffer, without ever being able to remedy it, a great deterioration and defalcation of their capitals. But to this point, human nature is, of course, always alive.

The paragraph alluded to refers to 2 Classes of Persons: in what it expresses, it comprehends Men to be condemned; and in what it conceals, Men to be absolved. Let us examine the number of both, and what it is to which the former are to be condemned, and from what the latter are to be absolved ;-whether the Condemned are to be absolved, and the Absolved are to suffer the punishment of condemnation? Who are those that appear solicitous to acquire, and those that strive not to lose;– whether those that are bent upon acquiring, thereby prejudice others, and whether those who complain, endeavour only to avoid injury and to suffer no loss;- and whether the latter find a resource in what nature bas not deigned to deny to them? The number of the Condemned is doubtless large. But, if there are thousands of Landholders, who, by relinquishing the Traffic, must lose a considerable portion of their incomes,—the number of the Absolved is infinitely larger. The latter Class are the Africans, who in this case are absolved from the slavery to which these very Landholders would in time have subjected them. It is, therefore, clear that, if every one of the thousands of Landed Proprietors can obtain Negroes, even by hundreds, the number of the latter who, for the sake of argument, at least, would be absolved, would increase to hundreds of thousands. The former, by far the less numerous, are to continue the system employed by the minority, and are to be condemned only to the loss of a portion of their external advantages, whilst their persons remain untouched;—the latter are to be absolved, not from any debt that might abridge their fortune, but from a slavery that threatened them :- they are to preserve their liberty, and thus to gain themselves.

The comparison, therefore, being not between Men and Brutes, but between Men and their Fellow-creatures; let us consider whether the few to be condemned to the loss of a part of their incomes, should be absolved therefrom, in consequence of their having a better cause; in order that the others, who are infinitely more numerous, may be condemned to separate from their relations, and to abandon their Country for ever, in spite of the many objects of their love which it may contain,-and, lastly, to undergo a perpetual slavery, that is to say, to be lost to them. selves.


which had been obliterated by the glorious Reigns of my Predecessors, their Majesties Charles III, Philip V, and Ferdinand VI, who, devoting all their energies to the establishing anıl perfecting the Financial System, raised, at the saine time, the Maritime Power to an unex. ampled degree of prosperity. It is true that during those Reigos, the Revenue, notwithstanding the wealth flowing in from America, did not sometimes equal the Expenditure, the former being moreover diminished by charges and imposts of various kinds; but, on the other hand, vast sums were expended upon the Departments of Marine, in public edifices, in high-roads, and in other works of utility, orna. ment and splendour, conspicuous and lasting proofs of which are every where to be seen: several large Commercial Bodies were also formed, and the capitals with which they were amply provided found their way into circulation. But the circumstances of the latter part of the last Century were so urgent, and the excess of the Expenditure over the Revenue so great, that the whole of the funds belonging to those Bodies were applied to the necessities of the State; the establishments were ruined, paper money was created to an enormous amount, and the most sacred property was exposed for sale; the State injudiciously became security for the capitals and interests of the property so disposed of; the Debt was increased to the highest pitch ; and, as was naturally to be expected, want of confidence paralyzed all the financial operations of the Governuicnt, whose immediate and ordinary disbursements were inade with the funds, which should have been set apart for the liquidation and interest of the public debt. Such was the state of things when Spain found herself powerless, and without resources, and was compelled to admit into her Territory a foreign Enemy, who rejoiced in the prospect of her ruin; in fact, it appeared impossible, without more than human aid, to resist the power of the Tyrant's legions, which were now spread throughout the Provinces.

The World will ever recollect with admiration the proofs of loyalty then exhibited by the Spanish Nation, and the heroic resolution with which it cheerfully bore, for the space of 6 years, all the privations and calamities consequent upon a sanguinary and destructive War, in order to preserve its independence and the succession of its legitimate Monarchs. The faithful Inhabitants of the Capital and of the Provinces listened to-no calculations of policy: wherever men capable of bearing arms were found, there were found Soldiers: the natural affections were suppressed: private property was regarded as that of the public: the Treasury, the magazines and storehouses were replenished and filled by general and voluntary contributions: Authorities for arming the People and preparing the means of defence were chosen : in every part of the Kingdom, Troops were organized, Armies created, contributions levied, loans and donations raised and given, and supplies


of stores multiplied:—so that after successive reverses, attacks, sieges, assaults, battles, and general engagements; after her Armies had been a hundred times renewed, Spain triumphed, and, at the expence of her sacrifices, which Europe contemplated with wonder, the other Nations of the Continent broke asunder their galling chains of servitude.

() my People, I shall never cease to consider you as a model of loyalty, inimitable valour, and extraordinary perseverance! And you, Generals, Officers, and Privates, both of the Army and Marine, as well as all you, of whatever class, condition, or age, who took up arms in defence of my Throne, my rights, and the cause of the Nation, you have immortalized your vame, and are entitled to the blessings of your native Land, the adıniration of Foreign Nations, and my everlasting gratitude.

Heaven at last was pleased to put an end to this destructive Contest; the power of tyranny was overthrown, and whilst the victorious Army remained on this side of the Pyrenees, I, on the other, entered my Kingdom, receiving with tears of the purest delight, the assurances of fidelity and constancy which all my Subjects hastened to give to me. Upon such an occasion, it is true, my heart experienced all the rapturous emotions of which human nature is susceptible; but the pride and happiness that I felt, amidst the welcomes and congratulations of my People, were counterbalanced, by the sorrow with which I beheld Towns and Villages reduced to ashes, and the frightful devastation of the Country, and contemplated the torrents of blood which must have flowed in its defence. These reflections, however, did not cause me to abandon the hope that, under a paternal Government, my Subjects might repair their past misfortunes, and find in their prosperity and happiness, and in the industrious cultivation of our fertile soil, the reward due to their unexampled and heroic patriotism. All this, however, was to be the work of peace, and in the interim, it was necessary to meet the claims of an immense number of Soldiers, who had been raised upon no regular system, in consequence of the desultory warfare which was at the time carried on. Nor was this the only difficulty: the most productive of the public revenues had, during the latter period of my absence, been replaced by a direct Tax, which, although it might have had its advantages had it been less general and different in its principle, was most oppressive, both as to the assessment itself, and the mode of collection: the People petitioned for relief, and, under the circumstances, being confident that the revenues arising from the Government Monopolies, and which could not possibly be raised by any other means, would be considerably increased, my first step was to revert to the former system of Taxation ; confirming, however, the suppression of the productive duty laid upon each cuartillo of wine (the proceeds of which were about 50,000,000 reals); as well

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