portant, that Congress should have an opportunity of considering whether, by an amendatory law, they would authorize the location of the residue at the lower end of the present, so as to comprehend the Eastern Branch itself and some of the country on its lower side in the State of Maryland, and the town of Alexandria in Virginia; if, however, they are of opinion that the Federal Territory should be bounded by the water edge of the Eastern Branch, the location of the residue will be to be made at the upper end of what is now directed. I have thought best to await a survey of the territory, before it is decided on what particular spot on the northeastern side of the river the public buildings shall be erected. GEORGE WASHINGTON. MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS; RELATIVE TO GREAT BRITAIN. FEBRUARY 14TH, 1791. Soon after I was called to the administration of the government, I found it important to come to an understanding with the court of London on several points interesting to the United States, and particularly to know whether they were disposed to enter into arrangements, by mutual consent, which might fix the commerce between the two nations on principles of reciprocal advantage. For this purpose I authorized informal conferences with their ministers; and from these I do not infer any disposition, on their part, to enter into any arrangements merely commercial. I have thought it proper to give you this information, as it might at some time have influence on matters under your consideration. GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE, Conceiving, that, in the possible event of a refusal of justice on the part of Great Britain, we should stand less committed, should it be made to a private rather than to a public person, I employed Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who was on the spot, and without giving him any definite character, to enter informally into the conferences before mentioned. For your more particular information, I lay before you the instructions I gave him, and those parts of his communications wherein the British ministers appear, either in conversation or by letter. These are two letters from the Duke of Leeds to Mr. Morris, and three letters of Mr. Morris, giving an account of two conferences with the Duke of Leeds, and one with him and Mr. Pitt. The sum of these is, that they declare without scruple they do not mean to fulfil what remains of the treaty of peace to be fulfilled on their part (by which we are to understand the delivery of the posts and payment for property carried off), till performance on our part, and compensation where the delay has rendered the performance now impracticable; that, on the subject of a treaty of commerce, they avoided direct answers, so as to satisfy Mr. Morris they did not mean to enter into one, unless it could be extended to a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, or unless in the event of a rupture with Spain. As to the sending a minister here, they made excuses at the first conference, seem disposed to it in the second, and in the last express an intention of so doing. Their views being thus sufficiently ascertained, I have directed Mr. Morris to discontinue his communications with them. GEORGE WASHINGTON. MESSAGE TO THE SENATE; RELATIVE TO SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. FEBRUARY 18TH, 1791. The aspect of affairs in Europe during the last summer, and especially between Spain and England, gave reason to expect a favorable occasion for pressing to accommodation the unsettled matters between them and us. Mr. Carmichael, our chargé d'affaires at Madrid, having been long absent from his country, and great changes having taken place in our circumstances and sentiments during that interval, it was thought expedient to send some person in a private character, fully acquainted with the present state of things here, to be the bearer of written and confidential instructions to him, and at the same time to possess him, in full and frequent conversations, of all those details of facts and topics of argument, which could not be conveyed in writing, but which would be necessary to enable him to meet the reasonings of that court with advantage. Colonel David Humphreys was therefore sent for these purposes. An additional motive for this confidential mission arose in the same quarter. The court of Lisbon had, on several occasions, made the most amicable advances for cultivating friendship and intercourse with the United States. The exchange of a diplomatic character had been informally, but repeatedly, suggested on their part. It was our interest to meet this nation in its friendly dispositions, and to concur in the exchange proposed. But my wish was at the same time, that the character to be exchanged should be of the lowest and most economical grade. To this it was known, that certain rules of long standing at that court would produce obstacles. Colonel Humphreys was charged with despatches to the prime minister of Portugal, and with instructions to endeavour to arrange this to our views. It happened, however, that, previous to his arrival at Lisbon, the Queen had appointed a minister resident to the United States. This embarrassment seems to have rendered the difficulty completely insurmountable. The minister of that court, in his conferences with Colonel Humphreys, professing every wish to accommodate, yet expresses his regrets that circumstances do not permit them to concur in the grade of chargé d'affaires; a grade of little privilege or respectability by the rules of their court, and held in so low estimation with them, that no proper character would accept it to go abroad. In a letter to the Secretary of State he expresses the same sentiments, and announces the appointment on their part of a minister resident to the United States, and the pleasure with which the Queen will receive one from us at her court. A copy of his letter, and also of Colonel Humphreys', giving the details of this transaction, will be delivered to you. On consideration of all circumstances, I have determined to accede to the desire of the court of Lisbon in the article of grade. I am aware that the consequences will not end here, and that this is not the only instance in which a like change may be pressed. But, should it be necessary to yield elsewhere also, I shall think it a less evil than to disgust a government so friendly and so interesting to us, as that of Portugal. I do not mean that the change of grade shall render the mission more expensive. I have therefore nominated David Humphreys minister resident from the United States to her Most Faithful Majesty, the Queen of Portugal. GEORGE WASHINGTON. MESSAGE TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS; ON THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CONSTITUTION BY THE KING OF FRANCE. MARCH 5TH, 1792. Knowing the friendly interest you take in whatever may promote the happiness and prosperity of the French nation, it is with pleasure that I lay before you the translation of a letter which I have received from his Most Christian Majesty, announcing to the United States of America his acceptance of the constitution presented to him by his nation. GEORGE WASHINGTON. TRANSLATION OF A LETTER FROM THE KING OF FRANCE, OF SEPTEMBER 19TH, 1791. VERY DEAR, GREAT FRIENDS AND ALLIES, We make it our duty to inform you, that we have accepted the constitution which has been presented to us in the name of the nation, and according to which France will be henceforth governed. We do not doubt that you take an interest in an event so important to our kingdom and to us; and it is with real pleasure we take this occasion to renew to you assurances of the sincere friendship we bear |
