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And Brownson's Review for January, 1854, thus denounced President Pierce's administration for its course in the Koszta case:

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He (Capt. Ingraham) mistook his duties, and suffered his zeal to get the better of his judgment. But as his government has approvel his conduct, we must hold it, and not him, responsible for the insult offered to the Austrian flag. He was probably not initiated into the plot, and was used as a blind tool by the revolutionists. The secret of the whole transaction is not difficult to divine. It was to get up a war, if possible, with Austria, in accordance with the plans and ardent wishes of Ludwig Kossuth. For this purpose, we doubt not, Koszta returned, or was ordered by Kossuth to return, to Turkey, and very possibly, with the knowledge and approbation of OUR JACOBINICAL GOVERNMENT."

The rejection of Judge Woodward's nomination to the office of Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, made by President Polk in 1845, was a marked illustration of the active interference, and the power and influence of the naturalized voters. The nomination of this gentleman was no sooner made by the President, then they as a distinet class rose up en masse against it. He, when a member of the Pennsylvania Reform Convention in 1837, had avowed himself to be in favor of prò hibiting foreigners from and after a certain period to vote or hold office; and for this they opposed his nomination, and addressed the following remonstrance to President Polk:

"Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1845.

"SIR: We are naturalized citizens and members of the Democratic party, who, hav. ing heard with extreme surprise, that Geo. W. Woodward has been urged upon you as a person qualified to fill the vacancy upon the bench of the Supreme Court, beg leave most earnestly to remonstrate against any such appointment. In the Convention to amend the Constitution of Pennsylvania, this gentleman proposed so to amend it, 'as to prevent any foreigner, who may arrive in this State after the 4th day of July, 1841, from acquiring the right to vote or hold office in this commonwealth.' Such doctrines might have been suited to the days of the elder Adams, but were considered by every Democrat as entirely at war with the principles of the great Democratic party. Those principles were luminously expounded in the resolutions of the Baltimore Convention, and upon that faith we urged and advocated your election with all our zeal and strength. We do therefore sincerely trust that they will be fully carried out in relation to this great judicial appointment. There is an intense excitement among our naturalized citizens, which nothing could restrain, if such a nomination were to be made. We therefore protest most solemnly against George W. Woodward."

A still more insolent course of proceeding was adopted towards Mr. Buchanan, the Secretary of State, by some of the naturalized citizens in New York, in relation to the same nomination. As he could not be assailed on account of having any direct hand in the appointment of the offensive judge, he was unceremoniously called upon, under pain of their displeasure, to clear himself of all suspicions of having any part in the odious transaction. After stating that the ground of their objection to the nominee

of the President was his being a prominent supporter of the bigoted doctrines of what they were pleased to term the Native American faction, they use the following very bold and remarkable language: "We desire to learn from you, what influences were brought to bear on the President to induce him to violate the feelings of the great mass of the democracy, by the nomination of one of the church-burners of Philadelphia, Rumor assigns you a participation in this measure; we wish to give you an opportunity of relieving yourself from the slander."

Nor did they stop here. They also addressed a remonstrance to the Senate, and a majority of the Senators obeyed the mandate, and rejected Judge Woodward, whereupon the Freeman's Journal, well-known as Archbishop Hughes' organ, boasted of it as a triumph. "When success," said it, "crowns the performance of a necessary public duty (meaning the duty they had performed of protesting against the nomination), it ought to disarm any feelings of triumph on our part." Speaking of the rumor that Mr. Woodward endeavored to deny, in communications to the Senate, his ever having advocated the doctrines attributed to him, the Journal says:-"The most indiscreet generosity could not be so easily duped. The majority of the Senate wisely refused to accept so sudden a repentance for so grave and deliberate an offence."

No man in the country has done more to cause excitement among the Americans, and unite them against all attempts at innovations upon their institutions by foreigners, than Archbishop Hughes. He and those cooperating with him are mainly responsible for the present state of publie sentiment. It would have probably not culminated for years to come, but for the political sermons he preached against the Common School system, and, as might have been foreseen by him, the consequent excitement aroused thereby throughout the whole country. Going still further, and advising a separate Irish organization, to operate and vote, as a religious sect, on that and other questions of which the great body of our native citizens were in favor, the excitement against him and them became uncontrollable, resulting in lamentable and disgraceful riots and in bloodshed. If there be any illiberality towards his countrymen, he did more than any other to produce that feeling.

The truth is, the Irish are greatly to blame themselves for the ill-feeling that now exists among the Americans against them, and those of them who are Roman Catholics may thank the foreign priesthood of their church for the distrust with which they and their religion are regarded by so large a number of American Protestants. Irishmen have never been favorites with the Anglo-Saxon race, and it is undoubtedly true that the same feeling which has existed for centuries towards them in England, has, in a more modified and less illiberal form, all along pervaded the AngloSaxon race in this country; while the dislike to Roman Catholics has

grown up into a strong feeling, not so much in consequence of hostility to the Roman Catholic religion, as on account of the bigoted teachings and conduct of its foreign priesthood. And if such men as Archbishop Hughes, Priest Brownson, and Messrs. McGee and Mitchell, have yet to realize this truth, though they ought to have been taught wisdom from experience, it is some satisfaction to know, that there are not wanting men of intelligence, even in Ireland, who understand the real condition of things in this country; and know where and to whom to ascribe the fault. The Dundalk (Ireland) Democrat, in noticing Mr. McGee's letter, makes the following comments, which are not only impartial and just, but deserve the serious consideration of every Irishman in the United States:

We are told now that Jonathan has got more of the Irish than he requires, and lest the Celt should become his master, that he desires to oppress him as the Egyptians oppressed the Israelites in Egypt. A storm of Know Nothing persecution rages against the Irish and their religion in America, the object of which is to deprive them of many of their civil rights, and if possible make it penal to profess their faith openly. We cannot believe that this persecution will continue very long. We believe that the good sense of the country will again return, and that the bastard policy of the Know Nothings will speedily die out. But while censuring the outrageous conduct of the Know Nothings, let us be impartial and just. Has this persecution been unprovoked? Have all the Irish conducted themselves, as citizens of the great republic, in that sober, orderly and prudent manner, becoming a persecuted people who fled from the lash of tyrants, and found a home and a refuge in America?

We fear that some of them have been a noisy, turbulent, and intolerant class, who did no credit to the character of their native country, and were of little benefit to the land of their adoption. We fear, too, that some of the ultra Catholic journals went far beyond the bounds of prudence in writing on religious subjects.

We do not make these remarks to palliate the conduct of the native despots, who asperse and malign the Irish. We merely allude to the matter for the purpose of stating that the conduct of some of the Irish immigrants is not what it ought to be, and to counsel them to give up their intemperate habits, their rows, their faction fights, and act in such a manner as to earn the respect of their bitterest enemies.

If they do this they will at once disarm the Know Nothings, and bring to their aid every good citizen in the United States, those glorious spirits who subscribe to the tolerant views of Washington, Jefferson, and the other illustrious fathers of the republic. But if by their follies they disgrace themselves, can it be wondered at if the Americans declare that such a people are unworthy to share with them the freedom and blessings guaranteed by the Constitution of their country?

What, we ask, would the Irish people say, if two millions of Russians, Prussians or Greeks should come among them, and by their conduct set us all by the ears, commence rows in our streets, faction fights on our railways; and in their journals assail our creed, and evince little willingness to respect our best institutions? Would not the native population begin to think it right to exclude them from public offices, and declare them dangerous foes to the country?

We still consider the United States a better home for the Irish immigrant than any colony belonging to despotic England. Mr. McGee says the Catholic religion is respected in Canada. No doubt it is; but it would be far otherwise, were Canada not so

near the United States.

The Irish Catholics can maintain the freedom of their faith in the States, if they only act prudently, and warn their newspaper writers to be less intolerant on religious topics. What good can they effect for the faith by calling Protestants hard names? No man ever made a convert by such means as that; on the contrary, it is by showing themselves good Christians, full of charity, benevolence and kindness to their neighbors, that they will prove the superiority of their religion, and attract persons differing from them to inquire into its dogmas, and in the end submit to its teaching.

These are our views, and we invite Mr. McGee to pay a little attention to them. He will find, we have no doubt, that many of the Irish in America, are not faultless, and that they are not what they ought to be. Let those turbulent characters reform themselves, and persecution will soon die a natural death. The good sense of the American people will revolt against it; and remembering how the Irish bled in the struggle for independence, Jonathan then will clasp them to his breast, and both united will make the republic of the West the enemy of slavery and despotism, the refuge of the persecuted, and the home of the brave, and the land of the free."

Those of other As to the con

Nor are these remarks applicable to Irishmen only. nations are equally obnoxious to many of the charges. duct of Englishmen, a forcible illustration is given by the Rev. D. R. Thomason, in his Hints to Immigrants, which, he says, a sense of duty compelled him to present, to show that there exists a moral obstacle, in the way to their obtaining employment, and the treatment they very often receive, of which they are themselves the cause. He says, page 39:

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Inability to procure employment for some Manchester operatives who came to our office, induced me to seek an interview with several gentlemen of this city, proprietors of manufactories, with a view to ascertain whether any thing could be done to give better encouragement to English operatives to immigrate to this country. Reference having been made to the fact, that the high wages paid to American operatives would prevent our manufacturers from being able to compete with those of England, I suggested whether the policy would not be to encourage the immigration of foreign mechanics in order to secure a decrease of the rate of wages. One gentleman replied with considerable emphasis and earnestness, "The truth is, we do not like to have an Englishman in our employ. We have generally found them, after a short residence in this country, amongst the most troublesome of our workmen. They are disorganizers, the first to express dissatisfaction and to propose to strike for wages. Often before they have been three months in the country they enter into politics, and are noisy and violent ultra democrats. Withal, they are frequently intemperate and immoral, and their example and influence are decidedly pernicious, and I would not have them, if I could do with out them." 66 Is it not probable," I replied, "that advantage is taken of their ignorance, and that they are instigated by the native workmen ?" "No, sir," was the reply; ❝ on the contrary, they lead on the natives. I wish it to be understood," he added, "that these remarks do not apply to all, and those who are exempt from these faults are valuable to us." Now, my friends, is this true? Do American citizens, republicans native born, who share all the liberal and expansive spirit of their free institutions, thus speak of you? Do they thus shrink from your political and moral licentiousness? How striking is the comment here furnished on the remark which I have already made, that a bad subject of Great Britain will not make a good citizen of America! It is the

same misguided, unhappy, evil spirit which has recently made you a terror to your country, which gathered you on Kensington Common, and which dragged that fraudu lent, lying petition of yours to the House of Commons, that closes against you American factories, and excludes you from this land of intelligence, freedom, plenty, and happiness. Would to God that this timely monition, this humiliating but friendly reproof might reach your heart, and work there that reform which you would carry into the government of your country. Do not mistake me. I blame you not for an attempt to mitigate your sufferings or redress your wrongs, but it is a golden maxim in republican America, that for every constitutional evil there is a constitutional reform in moral power, and must be based on intelligence and virtue.

Such, too, is eminently the case with a very large class of the German immigrants. They come here as disciples of Heine, who, in 1848, published his famous Democratic programme in Switzerland, one of the main features of which is, that there can be no true freedom until Christianity. shall be abolished. Liberty to them is a vague and indefinite idea, and, under their guardianship, would soon be nothing more nor less than licentiousness. Imbued with the German philosophy of European revolutionary leaders, and filled with new, strange and bewildering theories of the destiny of man and of human society, they soon find, on their arrival here, that their ideas of universal happiness are not likely to be realized, in the present state of American society, or under the existing form of government, and they become accordingly the advocates for the abolition of both. Denying all imperfection in the nature of man, and finding the Christian religion in the way of their social and political reform, they do not hesitate to assail the religion as well as the government of our revolutionary ancestors. Organized under the style and title of Free Germans, they have their associations in all the principal cities of the Union. In March, 1854, the branch at Richmond, Virginia, published a platform of principles and a programme of measures. So did the one at Louisville, about the same time, from which the following extracts are made, showing the character, objects and purposes of the organization, and affording ample evidence that its members are not a desirable class of people to be invested with the rights of citizenship, until they are more capable of appreciating the principles and structure of our government than they now are:

TO ALL TRUE REPUBLICANS IN THE UNION.

The Free Germans of the Union have found it necessary to organize themselves for the purpose of being able to exercise a political activity proportionable to their number and adapted to their principles. There is a fair prospect for success for such an organization, and in this hope the Free Germans of Louisville, Kentucky, have proceeded to law down the following platform, which they unanimously agreed upon in a mass meeting, and make it known to the public at large as the standard of their political

course.

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