engrosses all other considerations, we are here in a continual state of alarm, and, indeed there is good reason to be so, our new would be styled government or its minions have commenced, I think, a little too fast to shew the cloven foot. The new Colonel, (Nicolas Condey) commenced in Goliad by putting the Alcalde in the Calaboose, made the Administrador give him $5,000 in ten hours notice or go to Bexar prisoner and on foot. He threatens to be in San Felipe in a month for the purpose of burning it, &c. They have taken the arms that formerly belonged to the town, and always were deposited with the town authorities, and issued an order to press all those that can be got at to enter the ranks of the soldiers; it was given officially that the troops would have to be supported by the people, by five in a family with all its concomitants, &c. I have, as well as others to keep my horse constantly ready to put off, as it is said that I am a liberal, and not in favor of a Military Government; as for myself I know of no other fault, I have taken no other part but expressed my opinion as though I had a right to do so. It cannot be said of me that I am a land speculator, for I have been so lucky, or unlucky, that I have not drawn one inch of land but my lot whereon now stands my house, and for which I paid the former owner $50; nor have I had any other transaction directly or indirectly to the alledged injury to the government, except through the Custom House, to which I have paid more duties than all Bexar and Goliad put together, but the land speculation is all a hoax. This is only a pretext; let any man that is not blind or has common sense look at the acts in all the interior and say if it is not a fact that this plan of Military Government, but under the mask of Centralism was actually out in a state of forwardness a year ago.

The fact is a part of the colonists have acted very strangely by permitting the military to insult us in the arrest of our Governor, &c. Three years since they drove the military

out of the country, as they alleged for the same act, and now they suffer them actually to commit this act with impunity. But you must now come to one of three conclusions, which

are:

Ist. Submit to the military Government with all its griev

ances.

2nd. Or to pack and get beyond the Sabine to the eastward.

3d. Or to fight and drive those robbers of Zacatecas, whose orders on entering that unfortunate place were to kill all foreigners, one of whom they would not shoot like a soldier, as he desired but shot him in the back like a traitor.

There is about 500 troops now at Bexar, and in about fifteen or twenty days there will be 3 or 400 more, the people of Bexar are waiting anxiously to have us join them in reducing that place and it is confidently reported that the two companies of Bexar will join the citizens against the foreign troops, Goliad has but thirty-five men, as an apology for soldiers; I need not describe them to you, you know the principle part of them; they have intimated that they would be a missing when the Americans would let one or two of their rifles crack. The people as well as the authorities of Bexar, Goliad, and this town have had several invitations to proclaim for Centralism, but have not, nor will they until they are compelled by military force, but they are strongly in the belief that they will be forced to do so. I could fill 2 or 4 pages with various information, but must conclude by wishing that the grand disposer of all events may in his infinite wisdom parry the blow that is at this time aimed at our total destruction.

The writer of this has thus far taken no active part in the political excitements and discussions which of late have so

much agitated the people of Texas. His habits of life have inclined him to quiet and retirement, and nothing but the clearest conviction of duty could at this time force him before the public.

Although he has thus far been silent, he has been by no means indifferent; every plan, proposition, suggestion, or movement has been closely examined without reference to the man who may have proposed it. With an earnest desire to adopt that course best calculated to promote the welfare, safety, and happiness of Texas, he has scrutinized closely the arguments of all parties, with the hope that all might be reconciled. Convinced that ruin and disgrace would be the necessary consequence of disunion amongst ourselves, he has felt the most intense anxiety to see such a course pursued as would produce concert and harmony. While at the same time he is disposed to be charitable towards all, yet it must be admitted that our councils and discussions have not been characterized by that degree of temper, liberality, and forbearance which is of the last importance in times like these.

The people of Texas, sir, have but one common interest. Although some may be more deeply interested in its prosperity than others, it is preposterous to say that there is a single man in the whole community who would be willing to take any step that he believed would be injurious in its consequence: We all aim at the same great end, but there must necessarily be great difference of opinion, as to the most successful mode of effecting it.

The people may be said at this time to be divided into three parties.

The first has been denominated the war party. These compose a large and very respectable portion of the communty, and they urge with very great plausibility that Texas is now by the repeated acts of the general Government entirely released from her alliance to the late republic of Mexico, that she is thrown back into a complete state of nature, and

that by the laws of nature and of nations she has an indisputable right to take care of herself. If the premises be admitted, the conclusion is irresistable. If the constitutions state and federal have been annulled by the establishment of a new form of government nothing can be more clear than that the integral parts which compose the old compact, have the right to determine for themselves whether they will adopt the new. But it is no part of the writer's present intentions to discuss the merits or pretentions of either party, those who hold the affirmative can doubtless sustain themselves by more plausible arguments than into the whirlpool of politics.

The second party (and that which the writer believes to be the largest) is composed of those men who are willing to pledge their lives and fortunes for the good of their country, but before any final or decisive step is taken these conceive that the whole of Texas ought to be consulted; that the majority in all states or communities ought to control and that where the opinion of the majority is clearly expressed it should then be acquiesced in by the minority.

These sentiments do honor to the head as well as the heart. They urge that "the welfare and happiness of Texas is their motto," and that they are willing to unite heart and hand in promoting that object, so soon as the voice of the people can be heard.

The next party may be denominated the Neutralist. Their name gives a sufficient definition. They are as contemptible in numbers as in character.

The last classification has been styled the submission party. This embraces a large number of very good men, but who, either alarmed or misguided, are willing to lie supinely on their backs, declaring that there is no cause of alarm, and tamely submit to all the insults and indignities which military despotism may think proper to heap upon us. They alledge that the general government has the right to introduce troops into any part of Texas in any numbers which it

may think proper. The Federal Government of Mexico once had the right to introduce troops amongst us; but that right most unquestionably ceased when the federal system was prostrated, and by the laws of nations it is a virtual declaration of war for Mexico to send troops until Texas has acceded to the new plan of government. She cannot accede

to the new plan until all the people are consulted.

This brings me to the consideration of the main object of this communication. If my classification of parties has been correct, it must be obvious that while things remain in this state nothing can be hoped for. Each will closely adhere to his own opinions and being torn and divided amongst ourselves we become an easy prey to the destroyer.

It is admitted by all that Texas united has nothing to fear. We should then adopt without further delay, the most prompt and decisive measures to produce union, concert and harmony.

A minority should never by their acts control or compromise the rights of a majority. And while each jurisdiction or department is acting for itself we must calculate to suffer all the evils of petty feuds and factions.

If a plan can be adopted, from which much good may, and no harm can possibly, result: all will agree that it should be pursued. The writer conceives that a General Convention of all Texas through their representatives is just such a plan. From it we have everything to hope and nothing to fear.

The people of the jurisdiction of Columbia, on the 23rd. of June last, approved of, and recommended this. The Ayuntamiento, at the same time they raised their special committee recommended a consultation of all Texas in general council: but yet it seems that no decisive steps have been taken to bring about this object, on which the wishes of the people have been so clearly expressed. On the contrary we are told that there is no cause of alarm, and that a still dead calm should prevail. Again, Sir, late movements at San Felipe